Social Services in Ireland

Looking at the history of various countries, we often read of a parallel state, a state within the state. Looking at Ireland, however, the picture that pops up is one of two states in one nation. This statement does not only hold in respect to general differences in lifestyles – these can be found in every country, but it is particularly accurate when we look at social services.

There is – on the one hand – the traditional picture: social policy by donation, mutual support and mercy as part of parish life in this very Catholic country. There is also poverty, there are large families – and the air of modest bliss.

Then – on the other hand – there is the picture of Ireland the ‘Celtic tiger’: a modern, economically emergent nation, young, successful, fashionable, a country with a modern administration and infrastructure – straightforward, serving the privileged, based on the recklessness of competition, and thus producing the "new poor".

What these two states in the one nation have in common is that both largely draw upon what we can call the old boys network – which is nothing more than a nice paraphrase for clientelism and even bribery.

To understand our social services today, we probably have to know a bit about both: the ongoing importance of the "old Ireland" and the sober analysis of the modern administrative state. The traditional picture is more or less well described in the few lines above. The role of the Catholic Church, which well over 90 % of the population once actively belonged to, was not solely a matter of bringing people together under the roof of faith. Indeed, for a long time the Church undermined the true development of social services. Although a thorough look provides more subtle insights, it is surely not wrong to say that the emphasis on family support patterns, strict subsidiarity and mutual informal help shaped the way of living together, and in a way "replaced" the need for social services.

This pattern continues to have strong repercussions. One of them is the lasting importance of the Christian faith. The other an increasing inner rejection of the authoritarian father figure, going together a little bit like the devil with the holy water. This reflection on attitudes must be seen against the background of three major influences, emerging in different ways from the various steps of the history of the Republic: independence in 1922, proclamation of a constitution in 1937 and membership in the EC, the 'club' of developed western countries, in 1973.

• As a result of Ireland’s strong roots in British tradition, a social state in contemporary Western terms has been developing only quite recently, partly as a result of influence from the EC/EU and of the opportunities the membership has opened up. There are both universal provisions and strong private elements, which leave public services as a last resort.

• However, the lacks and gaps of a half-hearted social state cannot be hidden – in particular in the medical and health services, which had been and are still in a desperate state. Another challenge is the provision of care for senior citizens and for smaller children. Changes in family organisation require new support structures, as previous patterns of care at home in the multigenerational family, are eroding. A strong pressure is being exerted under the heading of the so-called Strategic Management Initiative. This initiative involves an opening of public services in general, but one of its foremost aims is the provision of accessible social services. The services in question are often public services, but predominantly they are private services under public control. Many hospitals, nursing homes, Montessorischools and the like are privately run even though publicly financed. Part of this new strategy is also the systematic development of the relationship between the voluntary/community sector and the state.

• As this system leaves many people behind – the ‘Celtic tiger’ was by no means a tide that lifted all boats in its wake – the Irish government, in connection with the 1st World Social Summit in Copenhagen, launched the National Antipoverty Strategy (NAPS). The objective of this programme, while taking into account the multidimensional quality of the problem, is the reduction and finally elimination of poverty in Ireland. The programme offers a variety of services, for instance educational support, transition into work programmes, housing initiatives, health support and the like. Increasingly the NAPS has been mainstreamed, i.e. its orientation has shifted from policies for the most vulnerable, supporting them in all courses of life to an approach focusing on (a) better management and (b) integration into the labour market.

• In any case, what is of particular relevance – and this is largely the success of the voluntary and community sector organisations as well as the result of EU influences – is a strong emphasis on equality issues and social rights rather than leaving social questions as a matter of mercy and good will. As this is a rather new development, it is not yet clear whether the old patronising welfare officer or the advocate of social rights will actually gain the upper hand. Two important elements in this battle are the Freedom of Information Act introduced in 1997, which guarantees every citizen’s right to information on public activities affecting him/herself, and the Equality Authority.

In all these settings it is of particular relevance that social work and community work – which are strictly divided in the academic world – are closely related and sometimes overlap. One reason is the strong tradition of youth and community work, which is strongly rooted in protest movements and in Catholic cooperative traditions and influences from returning missionaries, who learned from liberation theology.

Another reason is the structure of and the relationships between the various actors. The most important agency concerned with social services is the Health Board – which of course deals with health issues but also works in areas such as services for children and families, drug addicts, asylum seekers, community services and other types of services. One of the consequences of bundling such a variety of services under one roof is a strong overlap between professional activities. This overlap is supported by the National Social Services Board and the Citizen Information Centres – (semi-)state bodies for the provision of information and "distributing" people to different – statutory and non-statutory – services. Similar statements can be made about the various Boards – for instance for adoption, crisis pregnancies, rehabilitation, pensioners, etc.

In any case, the fight between the centralist autocratic tradition and efforts towards devolution has only just begun.

Herrmann, Dr. Peter, Social Services in Ireland, in: Newsletter Observatory for the Development of Social Services in Europe 2/2002,p.6f.